Access to parents was authorized by the Israeli Ministry of Education and the schools under restrictions of use only for research purposes, preservation of confidentiality, preservation of anonymity of participants in research findings, and allowance of termination of participation in the study at will of participants. Families were approached by a member of the research team who explained the research and determined willingness to participate in the study. A total of of the parents and adolescents signed informed consent to participate in the study.
Data were analyzed using SPSS In order to examine the effects of Political Life Events PLE , parenting styles and parental warmth on mental health symptoms and the moderating effects of parenting styles and parental warmth on the relation between PLE and mental health, three hierarchical three steps linear regression analyses were computed.
The GSI Global Severity Index of the Brief Symptom Inventory , externalizing symptoms and internalizing symptoms were entered as the dependent variables, one in each regression. The main effect of PLE was examined in the first block, parenting styles and parental warmth were included in the second block, and interaction effects between the PLE and the parenting variables were examined in the third block. As a preliminary step, tests of kurtosis and skewness were conducted to verify the normality of the study variables.
The absolute values of kurtosis and skewness were relatively small and therefore no data transformations were made. The means, standard deviations, and correlations of the study variables are presented in Table 1. TABLE 1. Means, standard deviations and bivariate correlations for the study variables.
The third block of the regression, including the addition of the two-way interactions between the PLE and the parenting variables to the model, accounted for 1. However, none of the two-way interactions was statistically significant see Table 2.
Similar trends were found in the third regression analysis that examined relations between PLE, parenting styles and parental warmth on externalizing symptoms. First, we examined the interaction between PLE and maternal authoritarianism on externalizing symptoms. Externalizing symptoms as a function of political life events PLE and maternal authoritarianism. Another interaction effect emerged between PLE and maternal authoritativeness on both externalizing symptoms and internalizing symptoms.
This indicates that maternal authoritativeness moderated the increase in externalizing symptoms. The interaction effect that emerged between PLE and maternal authoritativeness both on externalizing symptoms A and internalizing symptoms B. In addition, a significant interaction effect was found between maternal warmth and PLE for externalizing symptoms, as maternal warmth moderated the increase in externalizing symptoms.
The first hypothesis predicting a direct positive relation between level of exposure to traumatic events and mental health symptoms was confirmed.
Greater severity of exposure was associated with more severe internalizing and externalizing symptoms and general psychological distress. This finding confirms the dose-response effect that refers to the relationship between the magnitude of a stressor to the response of the receptor.
The dose-response effect for traumatic exposure would predicate exacerbation of negative reactions to increasing levels of traumatic experiences Braun-Lewensohn et al.
Surprisingly, no gender differences emerged in the relation between exposure and the various symptoms despite traditional research findings showing greater internalizing symptoms among females and more severe externalizing symptoms among males as a result of exposure to stress Leadbeater et al. Possibly, the severity and intensity of exposure to war eradicates these gender differences and highlights the multi-domain response of children to the trauma of war and armed conflict.
The second hypothesis predicted a moderating effect of parental styles on the relations between political violence exposure and mental health symptoms. This hypothesis was partially confirmed with a complex combination of findings. The authoritative parenting style contains two elements that could be relevant for emotional regulation after trauma exposure. High responsiveness and empathic support in the family have been identified as powerful resilience factors for children in contexts of war, armed conflict and terrorism Slone et al.
In addition, the component of demandingness based on negotiation and dialog could provide a holding space that encourages self-control and structure after chaotic and traumatic times. These findings present compelling evidence for the protective function of maternal authoritative parenting style when children are exposed to these highly traumatic experiences. These effects emerged only for internalizing and externalizing symptoms and not for general psychological distress as measured by the BSI.
This finding could result from the different informants responding to the questionnaires since the primary caregiver completed the CBCL and the child completed the BSI.
In addition, the two scales reflected different symptoms profiles. The BSI assesses a spectrum of psychiatric clusters derived from the presence of psychiatric symptoms such as Obsessive Compulsive Disorder and paranoid ideation which may reflect more severe difficulties beyond those that could be explained as influenced by parenting styles.
This finding suggests that highly demanding and strict control together with low responsiveness is particularly onerous for children exposed to trauma. It is possible that the multiple burdens of negotiating early adolescence together with traumatic experiences in a highly demanding, non-supportive and under-responsive family environment can prompt the child to act out with increased behavioral difficulties. However, low maternal warmth was associated with increased externalizing symptoms with severe political violence exposure.
Despite the interesting evidence for the moderating role of parenting styles and warmth yielded here, this study had several noteworthy limitations.
In this study, children reported on their perceptions of parenting style and warmth. This should be supplemented with parent report of these measures. The findings cast light on aspects of the role of family functioning in a post-war period during which parents and children may have been particularly traumatized and vulnerable.
It is important to note that these findings may not be generalizable across different traumatic circumstances and for long-term outcomes. This could be a challenge for stressed and traumatized parents. The complexity of balancing demandingness, responsiveness and warmth may be particularly pertinent in families of early adolescents who are themselves encountering the growth in maturity to achieve self-autonomy and consolidate identities.
Nonetheless, knowledge of the importance of these components can guide psychologists and counselors who are faced with the task of accompanying families through traumatic circumstances and experiences. This study was carried out in accordance with the recommendations of the Tel Aviv University Ethics Committee and the Israeli Ministry of Education with written informed consent from all subjects. All subjects gave written informed consent in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki.
All authors listed have made a substantial, direct and intellectual contribution to the work, and approved it for publication. The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. The reviewer YL declared a shared affiliation, though no other collaboration, with one of the authors MS to the handling Editor, who ensured that the process nevertheless met the standards of a fair and objective review.
Achenbach, T. Behavioral problems and competencies reported by parents of normal and disturbed children aged four through sixteen. Child Dev. Amato, P. Dimensions of the family environment as perceived by children: a multidimensional scaling analysis.
Marriage Fam. Barber, B. Political violence, family relations, and Palestinian youth functioning. Political violence, social integration, and youth functioning: Palestinian youth from the Intifada. Community Psychol. Bat-Zion, N. Leavitt and N. Google Scholar. Furthermore, the effects of armed conflict continue long after hostilities have ceased. Unexploded ordnances, such as landmines and cluster bombs, result in injuries and death for decades after combat has ended. As a result, even short-lived armed conflicts affect child health and wellbeing across the life course and through adulthood.
The rules of war have also changed. Schools, which have been traditionally safe places, are targeted, and children are often attacked while on their way to or from school. For the purpose of this Technical Report and the associated Policy Statement, 13 armed conflict is defined as any organized dispute that involves the use of weapons, violence, or force, whether within national borders or beyond them, and whether involving state actors or nongovernment entities. Examples include international wars, civil wars, and conflicts between other kinds of groups, such as ethnic conflicts and violence associated with narcotics trafficking and narco-gang violence.
Several legal declarations and treaties protect the health of children and health workers and preserve access to health care during armed conflict. According to international law, the involvement of children in armed conflict and the targeting of health workers and facilities by combatants are human rights violations.
Of particular relevance is the UNCRC, a legally binding treaty in which 40 substantive rights for children are outlined and grouped into 3 categories: protection, promotion, and participation Table 2. Specific child rights include protection from violence and sexual exploitation, freedom of thought, education, health services, welfare services, and specific rights of children who are refugees, separated, and unaccompanied. To strengthen the legal protection of children during armed conflict, the Optional Protocol to the UNCRC was adopted by the UN to prevent children younger than 18 years old from being recruited into or participating as combatants in hostilities.
The optional protocol was ratified by the US Senate in The UN has identified 6 categories of human rights violations against children, known as the 6 grave violations. These violations include the killing and maiming of children, the abduction of children, the recruitment or use of children as soldiers, sexual violence against children, attacks against schools or hospitals, and the denial of humanitarian access. The commission of any of these violations constitutes a breach of international humanitarian law.
Armed conflict is a public health issue. Children living in countries affected by armed conflict. The boundaries and names shown and the designations used on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations. World Population Prospects: The Revision. Journal of Peace Research 53 5 — However, the precise effect of any given armed conflict on child health is difficult to determine.
For example, in a report by the UN special rapporteur on children and armed conflict, it was estimated that thousands of children had died in the Syrian conflict in Given the challenges described, it is not surprising that there are few prevalence studies on the indirect causes of mortality or morbidity among children affected by armed conflict.
Most of the literature is in the form of case reports in which researchers describe the type and distribution of injuries treated or smaller studies on communicable disease transmission, perinatal health, nutrition, or environmental contamination. Nonetheless, it is clear that the conditions created by armed conflict social determinants of health, such as population displacement, the destruction of infrastructure, and the deterioration of heath and public health systems significantly increase childhood mortality and morbidity.
Although there are no studies in which researchers examine changes in the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis after exposure to armed conflict, it can be argued that the severity and chronicity of the stresses that children endure rise to the level of toxic stress 39 with its well-documented impact on physical and mental health across the life course.
In conflict zones, there are higher rates of stillbirth, low birth weight, preterm birth, and perinatal mortality than during peacetime or in peaceful areas of the same country. Health facilities and health workers are increasingly becoming casualties of armed conflict, including targeted attacks. The kinds of injuries children sustain from armed conflict vary depending on the nature of combat, with all age groups being affected.
In Iraq and Afghanistan, the most common forms of war trauma in children are blast and bullet injuries. Burns and severe head and neck injuries, and particularly penetrating head trauma, 52 are the most common and the most lethal. Chemical warfare has been documented in numerous conflicts dating back to Word War I. Estimates suggest that the prevalence of rape and sexual exploitation of children in armed conflict is increasing.
Girls who become pregnant as a result of rape may have ambivalent feelings toward their children, and the children may not be accepted into their communities. Armed conflict creates environmental hazards that continue to affect children long after hostilities have ended. Landmines and unexploded ordnances pose a major risk for death and disability for decades. A recent systematic review and meta-analysis of the association between Agent Orange and birth defects in Vietnam revealed that children born to individuals who had been exposed to Agent Orange were nearly twice as likely to have birth defects than children of individuals who were unexposed.
The destruction of health care and public health systems is a major cause of morbidity and mortality in children affected by armed conflict. Children, especially those younger than 5 years old, bear the highest burden of indirect conflict-related death. The deterioration of health systems during armed conflict is characterized by the destruction of physical infrastructure, disruptions in supply chains, and the diversion of state funds from health to the military.
The conditions created by armed conflict compromise key public health functions, including vaccine delivery, health surveillance, and disease outbreak investigation, 82 , 88 resulting in increased rates of infectious disease transmission.
Food may be used as a weapon of war, and the effect of food insecurity on child health is exacerbated by the destruction of health and public health programs used to target malnutrition. Attacks on crops and livestock, food stores and shops, and transport links compromise the food supply during periods of conflict, and infrastructure and agriculture may require years to recover after the cessation of hostilities. Displacement, whether within the borders of the country or across international boundaries, carries with it specific health risks and needs that are influenced by conditions before the journey, during travel, and in the place of arrival.
Exposure to armed conflict has social and psychological repercussions that endure long after the termination of hostilities. Children who are affected by war have an increased prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder PTSD , depression, anxiety, and behavioral and psychosomatic complaints.
The mental health impact of displacement appears to vary depending on where children are resettled. Factors that negatively affect mental health and social wellbeing among children who are displaced in low- and middle-income countries LMICs include exposure to mass trauma and family violence, displacement, social isolation, loss of social status, and perceived discrimination.
Protective influences on the mental health and social wellbeing of children who are refugees in high-income countries include parental support and family cohesion, self-reported support from friends, self-reported positive school experience, and same—ethnic origin foster care. Children are recruited or forced to participate in armed conflict in many different ways, including as soldiers, cooks, domestic workers, porters, human shields, mine sweepers, gang members, and sex slaves.
Children who were associated with armed groups experience particular physical, developmental, and mental health risks; barriers in access to health services; and significant obstacles to social reintegration. In addition to physical injury and death, they are at high risk for HIV and other STIs, obstetric complications, and substance abuse. Armed conflict separates children from their families, as evidenced by the increasing numbers of children fleeing conflict between both state and nonstate actors without parents or guardians.
Children who are not in close proximity to or are displaced by armed conflict may also face health and social risks related to the conflict. News and media coverage of war and extreme violence events have been shown to increase PTSD symptoms among US school children. Many interventions have been undertaken by individuals, groups, and societies to protect children and treat those who have been affected by armed conflict.
Despite a wealth of experience, few studies have been conducted, and the evidence base for interventions used to prevent and mitigate the effects of conflict on children remains limited. Children who are affected by armed conflict require care from clinicians who are familiar with their health risks and needs and who are skilled in providing care to children from different cultural and language backgrounds.
There is some evidence for a positive effect of cultural competence training on patient outcomes. The use of professional interpreters improves the quality of translations, reduces unnecessary diagnostic investigations and treatments, reduces the cost of care, and increases patient satisfaction. Disaster training courses are available for clinicians in the United States.
A catastrophic event in its own right, maternal mortality also has damaging effects on the remaining family members, particularly children. Higher mortality persists in children five- to ten-years old, for whom the probability increases five-fold [ ]. Malnutrition is common in conflicts and is predominantly manifest in children [ ]. Food security falls during conflict for reasons ranging from reduced crop production to breaks in the supply chain and trade restrictions [ 9 , ].
Food resources may be destroyed deliberately as a means of harm or population control: in , , hectares were destroyed by Ethiopian government forces to prevent their use by rebel groups [ ]. The diversion of resources away from healthcare and food supply to military expenditure in war can adversely affect population health. Despite an increase in overall gross development product per capita, the early Nazi regime saw an increase in mortality and a decline in child height [ ]. International sanctions, a favored government response to civil conflict, may generate similar effects.
Neonatal mortality, for example, increased substantially in Iraq during the s [ ]. There is some evidence that breastfeeding rates can decline in war times and the adverse effects of this can be greater. In the war in Croatia in the early s, breast-feeding duration was found to be shorter in affected areas [ ]. In Guinea Bissau in the late s, infants who were weaned earlier during war periods had higher mortality rates than breastfed infants compared to the pre-war years where this difference was not present [ ].
In addition to not having breast milk, we would postulate that disruption to formula milk supplies and unclean water would compound the adverse effects. It was shown that children who were never breastfed were more likely to be malnourished [ ]. War may contribute to either acute malnutrition and increased mortality or chronic malnutrition leading to stunting and subtle prolonged deficits associated with lower school attainment and reduced adult income [ ].
Nutritional deficiencies may be in macronutrients, providing the basic energy and substrate for growth, or in micronutrients, including vitamins and minerals that promote cellular function. Micronutrient deficiency diseases are common in conflicts: scurvy in Afghanistan from vitamin C deficiency [ ], pellagra in Angola from niacin deficiency [ ]. Malnourished mothers pass on the stress to their children, whose poor nutritional status may affect subsequent generations.
In the Dutch Hunger Winter of to during the German occupation, maternal under-nutrition was associated with increased risk of low birth weight [ ]. Although not directly attributed to malnutrition, a higher proportion of babies were born with moderate low birth weight in Croatia during the war period to [ ].
Low birth weight is the strongest risk factor for mortality in early infancy [ ] and is associated with reduced educational attainment and physical work capacity [ ]. Subtler effects include maternal micronutrient deficiencies, such as iron deficiency anemia [ ], and conditions that directly affect the fetus, such as neural tube defects associated with folate deficiency [ ].
Prenatal malnutrition, leading to low birth weight, results in lower subsequent height and lean mass [ ]. Short maternal stature is associated with an increased risk of gestational diabetes, macrosomia, and birth injury and shorter gestation [ — ]. Among Hmong refugees from the Second Indochina war, children displaced during infancy were shorter as adults, whereas children born during the war were found to have greater adiposity, particularly central adiposity [ ].
Such growth penalties may take generations to resolve. Maternal short stature is a risk factor for obstructed labor, Caesarean section and low birth weight [ — ], potentially generating a long-term intergenerational cycle [ 15 ]. Peri-conceptional, fetal and infant malnutrition can affect the risk of non-communicable disease. People exposed to maternal malnutrition in utero during the Dutch Hunger Winter showed increased risk of obesity, hypertension, cardiovascular disease and type 2 diabetes [ — ].
The longer-term effects depended on when in gestation the lack of nutrition occurred and the period for which there was a deficit, and there is some evidence for a difference in the long-term effects between male and female offspring [ , ].
Although the evidence is conflicting, it may be that the detrimental effects of the Dutch famine extended into the following generation, with the offspring of women born in the famine found to have a lower birth weight [ , ]. Similar associations between early-life famine exposure and subsequent elevated chronic disease risk were reported following the Biafran conflict of to [ ], and the Chinese famine of to [ — ]. In the latter, early-life exposure was also associated with increased risk of schizophrenia [ , ].
In non-conflict settings it is common for chronic disease in adults to affect their offspring, both biologically and economically via loss of earnings. An example of this would be the propensity to obesity and the development of gestational diabetes leading to preterm birth and macrosomia. Deliberate military efforts may not only impair the capacity for food production but also increase exposure to toxins. The intergenerational harms of short conflicts are mitigated by post-conflict recovery of economies, societies and health and schooling systems.
In long-lasting conflicts, however, they are exacerbated by on-going fighting to produce a composite effect whereby the immediate effects of conflict combine with long-term and intergenerational effects, as illustrated schematically in Figure 3.
Schematic diagram showing how both current and past events affect the health of children across multiple generations. It is difficult to provide definitive evidence for this as prior susceptibility is hard to quantify, but we propose two illustrative scenarios. In the first, an increase in preterm births, perhaps associated with an increase in congenital infections, makes children more susceptible to subsequent infection. This susceptibility is exacerbated by the increased wartime burden of disease.
These multiple deficits occur within a health system that already cannot cope. In the second scenario, children growing up in a long-lasting conflict region suffer from the intergenerational effects of mental ill-health, as well as an ongoing conflict stress burden.
For example, a child inherits an impaired cortisol response through parental stressful experiences, and this makes it harder to cope with the subsequent stressful events the child faces herself. We have given examples of how conflict can have long-lasting intergenerational effects, working through parental exposure to violence, mental health stressors, infection and nutrition summarized in Table 2.
Much has been written about the health effects of war but the literature on its enduring effects is sparse. Many interrelated pathways have been identified between parental exposure and subsequent generations, but further evidence is required to estimate the magnitude of their effects.
Given the range of conflict scenarios, there is likely to be a great deal of heterogeneity. Our categorization of potential exposures and effects is illustrative and artificial in the sense that their interactions are complex. Physiological and pathological effects of stressors — trauma, infection, malnutrition — are linked in a complex system with institutional factors, such as education and health system challenges, and social factors, such as cultures of alcohol use and violence.
Prior conflict creates a population with a reduced capacity to cope with adversity, and ongoing or subsequent conflict may compound this and exacerbate the adverse health effects.
The prevention of conflict and its effects on health are crucially important public health concerns [ 11 ], but the intergenerational picture has received little attention so far. In many cases, the causal link between conflict and intergenerational outcomes is lacking, and the paucity of research reflects at least partly the challenges of working in current or recent conflict zones.
Where evidence from conflict situations is limited, we have hypothesized on the basis of available evidence or discussed evidence from non-conflict situations. Similar to the growing calls for consideration of future generations in climate change debates, we call for policy makers to consider them with respect to conflict. The notion of intergenerational justice emphasizes a temporal dimension, giving future generations rights that those currently alive should maintain. The extent to which existing legislative powers can be used to uphold these rights is uncertain, but legal bodies could potentially extend their scope to the violation of the rights of future beings.
Statutes such as the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child Articles 38 and 39 already exist to protect the rights of children in war [ ]. The arguments we lay out are aligned with gender-based social justice since in many parts of the world women receive fewer resources in general and particularly in terms of access to healthcare [ ].
The idea of intergenerational justice can also be aligned with a present day rights-based approach to help protect not only the current population but also future generations. In this sense, we do not see a clash between the two. It is not within the scope of this paper to adequately review the interventions that may be of benefit in preventing the future adverse effects of war, but we have tried to summarize the main categories in Box 2.
Many of these are the same as those required for the current population, but the imperative to protect certain groups, such as pregnant women, is reinforced. Past conflicts may have led to positive changes, such as the removal of oppressive regimes, as well as negative impacts. However, our discussion highlights the importance of minimizing the likelihood of conflict when seeking such positive changes. Interventions to break the cycle of transmission should be examined at the point at which governing bodies and non-state actors are considering going to war, and in its aftermath, as well as during conflict.
In examining the health of a population, previous insults need to be considered in order to understand fully the situation and to initiate solutions. Importantly, policy makers should bear in mind that a population may take multiple generations for the adverse health effects of conflict to be negated as a region attempts to return to its premorbid state or moves on to a new post-conflict one and it is possible that a return to the previous state may never happen if conflict changes the status quo within a given area.
Conflict-related public health interventions need to be sustained for a number of years and adapted over time to cope with changing needs. In this article, we summarize how the effects of war can propagate across generations. We hope this review will stimulate debate and research on the long-term and intergenerational health effects of conflict and their mechanisms and contribute to the discussion of the costs of war.
The evidence we have included strengthens the position that violent conflict should be avoided and indicates that intergenerational effects should be included routinely in the anticipated and estimated consequences of war. Wars are armed conflicts with more than 1, battle-related deaths in any one year. Increased stress levels in mothers can act in a similar fashion to under-nutrition, potentially mediated by changes in the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal HPA axis [ ]. Occurrence of PTSD is thought to be influenced by epigenetic changes, with possibly both genome-wide and specific changes in genes such as DLGP2 [ ].
Exposure to massive stress during pregnancy has been associated with epigenetic programming of the HPA axis in utero , leading to an increased susceptibility to mental illness in the child [ 90 ]. The mechanism by which this is believed to occur is that traumatic events lead to epigenetic changes to the glucocorticoid GR gene that subsequently alter offspring cortisol response to future events.
Radtke et al. These findings from research on humans are supported by animal studies. For example, expression of the glucocorticoid receptor gene in the rodent hippocampus is modulated by the level of care received by the mother [ , ].
Further to this, the administration of drugs that alter DNA methylation can reverse altered behavior, as shown by the use of the demethylating substance trichostatin and methylating substance methionine [ , ]. When conflict starts, all options to reach an alternative peaceful solution have rarely been exhausted [ ]. There may be strong political or economic motivations behind the decision to go to war or resort to violent conflict.
However, there is potentially a case to be made for going to war to prevent death, injury and destruction. Viewed objectively, there will be a range of reasons for going to war or taking violent action and a range of reasons for not doing so; evidence of the health consequences of taking violent action will fall within the latter.
The greater this evidence is, the harder it will be to justify war. Intergenerational consequences for health are an under-researched result of war that could tip the balance against it, help put a brake on the push to war and ensure that other peaceful options are pursued as a priority.
The link between the likely longer-term health consequences of going to war and the conflict itself can be hard to establish definitively. The more time passes, the more possible confounders have to be taken into account, making direct causal links difficult to prove. However, combining disciplines and research to illustrate these links in the area of child health can be compelling, as there is a general consensus that children should be protected during war and that future generations are innocent.
This makes a growing body of evidence that supports the link between conflict and future health problems for children a strong advocacy tool for conflict prevention. Ensure a long-term component to interventions both during and after conflict, taking long term consequences into account.
The type of interventions used to meet health needs caused by conflict, and the resources that are dedicated to them, should be decided on the basis of need.
Much work has been done on how those needs can be accurately assessed [ ] and minimum standards of response assured [ ]. If need can be shown to be more long-lasting and serious than previously thought, particularly in relation to mother and child health, it could influence needs assessments, minimum standards and intervention planning.
This would also help make the case for sufficient and appropriate resource allocation. Ensure extra care is provided for vulnerable groups, particularly pregnant women. Evidence of the intergenerational health consequences of violent conflict will reinforce the degree of vulnerability of pregnant women to health shocks.
Pregnant and lactating women are already recognized as a priority group for humanitarian health programs [ ], but there is still much to be done before programs are fully integrated, effective and adequately resourced. A better understanding of the consequences of not having optimal and well-resourced programs will be a strong advocacy tool to use with donors and others.
Upholding international conventions to safeguard children through intergenerational justice. International law that relates to the rights of children is almost universally recognized and key parts of it are considered to be customary law [ ]. Better established links between violent conflict and the health and wellbeing of children not yet born could contribute to holding those who initiate war or violent conflict to account for the consequences of their actions. This, in turn, would be a further restraining factor on initiating violent conflict.
Southall D, Carballo M: Can children be protected from the effect of war?. Goldson E: The effect of war on children. Child Abuse Negl. Pearn J: Children and war. J Paediatr Child Health. Levy BS: Health and peace. Croat Med J. PubMed Google Scholar. Google Scholar. To ensure delivery of Save the Children emails to your inbox, add support savechildren.
What Is the Impact of Conflict on Children? The Disproportionate Impact of Conflict on Children The nature of conflict has changed, putting children in the frontline in new and terrible ways. Children are disproportionately suffering the consequences of these brutal trends.
We are seeing more children facing unimaginable mental and physical trauma. More children are going hungry. More children are falling victim to preventable diseases.
0コメント